Historical memory and collective memory are one of the most important components of cultural capital, which reflect the lifestyle, worldview, and civilizational roots of a nation as a plaque and birth certificate, and their protection requires sensitivity of policymakers that the mentioned cultural heritage and it is the basis for the formation of social and national identity. Preservation, strengthening and restoration of memory or collective memory, which is manifested in the form of memory politics, has gained double importance in the modern world, because citizens who are exposed to the cultural components of other societies through mass media, If they are not familiar with the culture of their land, they will inevitably borrow the values and symbols of other cultures. This article, while reviewing the existing theoretical literature about cultural capital and memory policy and its importance for national security, examines some of the traumatic trends in the field of memories and traditions of the Holy Defense on a case-by-case basis and suggests strategies for optimal policy making.

Memory politics is achieved through the application of cultural memory and is used for remembering. Symbols, Memorials, celebration, murals, posters, mourning rituals and scripts are called cultural memory and contribute into the reconstruction of the memory. Objects and public spaces have inherent potentials to represent cultural politics and thus can lend themselves into collective remembering,in this process though, some part of the historical past are left out in the discourse. Manipulated remembering includes forgetting. During the Pahlavi era, as well as Iranian post revolutionary governments, there was an instance on selective remembrance of the history which in return has caused memory obsessions. The forgetfulness that is situated in the narrative of the historical past creates a divide between meaning and identity making and challenges the face-off between social actors and governments. This matter renders them incapable of narrating their national selves and inflicts a cultural trauma on the society.

There are two approaches for simulating memory as well as learning in artificial intelligence; the functionalistic approach and the cognitive approach. The necessary condition to put the second approach into account is to provide a model of brain activity that contains a quite good congruence with observational facts such as mistakes and forgotten experiences. Given that human memory has a solid core that includes the components of our identity, our family and our hometown, the major and determinative events of our lives, and the countless repeated and accepted facts of our culture, the more we go to the peripheral spots the data becomes flimsier and more easily exposed to oblivion. It was essential to propose a model in which the topographical differences are quite distinguishable. In our proposed model, we have translated this topographical situation into quantities, which are attributed to the nodes. The result is an edge-weighted graph with mass-based values on the nodes which demonstrates the importance of each atomic proposition, as a truth, for an intelligent being. Furthermore, it dynamically develops and modifies, and in successive phases, it changes the mass of the nodes and weight of the edges depending on gathered inputs from the environment.

The politics of memory is a prominent topic in cultural and media studies. From a political perspective, memory is one of the fields of identity conflicts. Identity competitions, in recent years, have led to the formation of identity gaps among some people in the society. In the last century, the media have played an intermediary role for the transfer of memory, so that today some have used the interpretation that the media is memory. Therefore, the intersection between memory studies and media studies is considered a popular research field. This article studies the different dimensions of memory narration in the intersection with the media. One of the functions of the media in the field of memory is the reconstruction of collective and individual memory. This article shows that the transmission of collective memory is, essentially, a media practice today. For this purpose, the theory of mediaization has been used to show what characteristics mediaization has given to collective memory. To achieve this goal, we selected 30 articles and with using the Meta-synthesis method, we showed what trends and macro-components are followed by memory and media studies. According to the findings of the current research, the studies of mediated memory at the global level focus on four main and frequent categories: 1. Objectification of memory using media (genres of mediated memory and digitization), 2. Referentiality and concreteness of the memory narrative (opening up for problems and emotional impact), 3. Individual and social functions of memory narration (collective recall and individual framing), and 4. The political-psychological nature of the memory narrative (counter-narratives and familiar mental pattern).

Memory politics as a field is an outcome of representation crisis in social sciences. But this field has its own weaknesses that prevents presenting a coherent research program. Eliminating theory and conceptual defects of the field and increasing its objects are the most important strategies to improve it to a coherent research program. But how someone can eliminate its current conceptual defects? In this article, we are going to present preparatories about a new memory politics theory that make it an independent research program with its own objects. So in the first step, we will obviate theory and conceptual defects of current memory politics and then, we will say what kind of ideas and materials fit into this new approach.

The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.

Shortly after the cultural traumas occur, the politics of memory evolves among cultural groups/nations involved. This policy has had a profound effect on the thoughts and memories of different segments of the population, especially historians. On the other hand, every king and ruler considers part of his cultural power to create and control archives. Uremia massacre in the first world war, global collective trauma & major global cultural trauma, and the most important Memorial Day among all the Assyrian Diaspora. the present study explores the different narratives of the Uremia Massacre recorded by the iranian and foreign priests, soldiers, missionaries and diplomats. The narratives of this suffering can be classified into three categories: humiliating, hostile, and moderate. The humiliating narrative of the Muslims, the narration of the middle Kurds and the Ottoman armies, the narrative of the hostile Assyrians, Armenians and the Russian and British armies are portrayed as evil. In these narrations, they were accompanied by deceived, defenseless, infidel and mercenary codes. In fact, the Assyrians are even subalter to the Jews in terms of the social, economic, and cultural level of their communities & diasporas. on the other hand, Governments are responsible for the massacre and are taking extensive measures to collective amnesia about the cultural trauma. These factors have led to the continuation of the evil-based politics of the memory and the elimination-based politics of the archive in relation to their identities.

Abstract Now, one of the most important memory institutions, namely social media, has taken on the structuring of collective memory. Social media uses artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms to analyze data and information recorded from users or big data. Algorithmic selection of social media by classifying, highlighting, deleting and heterogeneity in the level of visibility of users' content, as an application of memory politics that limits and defines narratives for remembering and forgetting. And by creating gaps in memory, it causes collective forgetting and the disintegration of collective memory. The present interdisciplinary research, with a qualitative approach in the tradition of cultural studies, using the grounded theory method and Strauss' coding model, with theoretical and purposeful sampling of interview texts, Instagram, articles and books of collective memory and observation of related activities and events, has examined the algorithmic memory politics and its impact on the postmodern discourse of collective memory in Iran. The findings indicate that the central phenomenon of the research is related to all the main categories of power relations, digital knowledge, ideology and global inequality, memory of resistance, and the crisis of identity and meaning in the postmodern social situation. Keywords: Algorithmic memory politics, Postmodern collective memory discourse, Cultural studies, Grounded theory method, Artificial intelligence algorithms, Social media                 Introduction According to a report by the reputable website Datareportal (datareportal. com), in 2024, Instagram social media topped the list of the most used social media in Iran with more than 46 million registered users and 31 million active users. Instagram has become an effective arena for expressing new and personal narratives of the history of Iran and the world and creating new methods of identification and has provided a vast opportunity to revise collective memory. With the increase in the number of users, social media has become more powerful in analysis, decision-making, political polarization and influencing public opinion due to the collection, recording and analysis of user data or big data. Big data is also used to predict future events, unrest and emerging social movements with the help of algorithmic calculations. Automatic social media algorithms select and prioritize data to present to the user, and by displaying or not displaying, classifying, and creating asymmetry and inequality in access to information, they can potentially prevent users from using all the information available on the network. Also, the need to pay attention to the position of interdisciplinary studies in communication sciences, cultural studies, and media has led the present study to examine the politics of algorithmic memory and its impact on the postmodern discourse of collective memory in Iran.   Materials and Methods This qualitative research was conducted based on the tradition of cultural studies and using the grounded theory method. Data collection was done through a library method and to ensure the validity and reliability of the research, theoretical and purposive sampling was used until theoretical saturation was reached. Coding was done on sixteen interview texts with relevant experts, whose interview texts have been published in research journals as well as on specialized computer science and communication websites. The interview texts were used as secondary data for data collection. In the open coding stage, 130 codes were extracted using the Glasser and Strauss questioning framework. Then, axial coding was done based on Strauss's coding paradigm. Causal conditions (information capitalism economy, political control of social media, symbolic power of social media and technical and network causes), contextual conditions (diversity and plurality of media, sources and places of memory in the postmodern social situation). The intervening conditions (ideology and global inequality), the central category (algorithmic memory politics), the strategies of action and interaction (memory of resistance and digital struggle), as well as the consequences of action and interaction (conflict of memories, sense of alienation, and crisis of identity and meaning) were separately identified. The politics of algorithmic memory was identified from the selective coding stage as the main phenomenon of the research and by setting the propositions, the main categories were linked to it. Then, the propositions were expanded in the form of a new theory and expressed as the findings of the research.   Discussion & Result As one of the most important institutions for the structure of collective memory, social media uses automated algorithms, algorithmic calculations, artificial intelligence, and machine learning to select and aggregate items to be remembered or forgotten. Therefore, a kind of memory policy called algorithmic memory policy is applied to access the content produced and shared by users on social media. In the postmodern discourse of collective memory, collective memory controlled by state memory policy as well as algorithmic memory policy that is constructed to legitimize power relations and under the rule of ideological values ​​and instrumental rationality will be a disjointed, multiple, and incoherent memory whose collective validity is contested and doubted, except in times of collective disasters and traumatic situations. This in itself creates the basis for the diversity and proliferation of memories and ultimately exacerbates memory conflicts and crises of identity and meaning. This has paved the way for the spread of all kinds of extremism, cultural particularism, and religious fundamentalism in pursuit of ethnic, racial, sexual, etc. identities, and despite the increase in the production of political content among users, it has led to consumerism and apoliticality.   Conclusion As automated social media algorithms, based on observability based on the attention economy and machine learning, act as memory policies and apply a kind of content selection policy in presenting content to users. Which content is deleted, made invisible, which content is displayed to which user and how many times, it is crucial that we more carefully examine and research the authenticity of the content presented and not make social networks the only authoritative and reliable source as the narrator of our historical past.

The purpose of this paper is to explain the nature of Russia's competitive pattern with Western countries in Africa. It seems that Russia has taken advantage of the “Politics of memory strategy “to expand its influence and to weaken the position of Western countries in Africa. This paper tends to explain why and how the Russian authorities have adopted this behavior to compete with European countries in this continent? The hypothesis is that Russia tries to represent the experience of colonialism to revive the memory of anti-colonialism, through "narratives" using the "genealogy method”. By using the qualitative analysis method, the authors try to prove the research hypotheses. This research covers the African continent between 2019 and 2023, although due to the nature of the research, the Cold War period have also been examined.

This article tries to show the queer aspect of Jacques Rancière's methodology in his political theory. For Rancière, the political is an aesthetic act that changes the distribution of the sensible in the police order and how to face the world. Police order is a corporal and spatial order that creates particular ways of thinking, speaking, seeing, and visibility through the distribution of the sensible by the bodies. The aesthetic side of political action deals with redistributing this order due to expanding the boundaries of senses. Then, based on the triple regimes of Rancière's art, a triple model of body regimes in gender studies is presented to show how the queer body as an aesthetic one, under the concept of the body without organs, approaches the political subject/body in Rancière's view. To comprehend the queer side of Rancière's theory and the political dimension of Judith Butler's theory examine the idea of performativity. Subsequently, to analyze politics of identity/difference and queer politics, Rancière's thoughts compare with Axel Honneth's theory. To clarify the link between Rancière's theories and queer politics, the affect theory and distribution of emotions and their function on/between bodies is referred to, as the political economy of emotions.